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November 23, November 22, November 12, The junta regime is at the cross roads, the country is facing its worst financial crisis in post genocide era. and 0 pairs became standard once 0 and 1 became common. Thus, in ASCII! This discrepancy from typewriters led to bit-paired keyboards , notably the Teletype Model 33 , which used the left-shifted layout corresponding to ASCII, differently from traditional mechanical typewriters.

Electric typewriters, notably the IBM Selectric , used a somewhat different layout that has become de facto standard on computers — following the IBM PC , especially Model M — and thus shift values for symbols on modern keyboards do not correspond as closely to the ASCII table as earlier keyboards did. pair also dates to the No. full stop so they could be used in uppercase without unshifting. However, ASCII split the ;: pair dating to No. The symbol was not used in continental Europe and the committee expected it would be replaced by an accented À in the French variation, so the was placed in position 40 hex , right before the letter A.

The control codes felt essential for data transmission were the start of message SOM , end of address EOA , end of message EOM , end of transmission EOT , "who are you? These were positioned to maximize the Hamming distance between their bit patterns. ASCII-code order is also called ASCIIbetical order. The main deviations in ASCII order are:. ASCII reserves the first 32 codes numbers 0—31 decimal for control characters: codes originally intended not to represent printable information, but rather to control devices such as printers that make use of ASCII, or to provide meta-information about data streams such as those stored on magnetic tape.

For example, character 10 represents the "line feed" function which causes a printer to advance its paper , and character 8 represents "backspace". RFC refers to control characters that do not include carriage return, line feed or white space as non-whitespace control characters. Other schemes, such as markup languages , address page and document layout and formatting. The original ASCII standard used only short descriptive phrases for each control character. The ambiguity this caused was sometimes intentional, for example where a character would be used slightly differently on a terminal link than on a data stream , and sometimes accidental, for example with the meaning of "delete".

Paper tape was a very popular medium for long-term program storage until the s, less costly and in some ways less fragile than magnetic tape.

In particular, the Teletype Model 33 machine assignments for codes 17 control-Q, DC1, also known as XON , 19 control-S, DC3, also known as XOFF , and delete became de facto standards. The Model 33 was also notable for taking the description of control-G code 7, BEL, meaning audibly alert the operator literally, as the unit contained an actual bell which it rang when it received a BEL character.

Because the keytop for the O key also showed a left-arrow symbol from ASCII, which had this character instead of underscore , a noncompliant use of code 15 control-O, shift in interpreted as "delete previous character" was also adopted by many early timesharing systems but eventually became neglected. When a Teletype 33 ASR equipped with the automatic paper tape reader received a control-S XOFF, an abbreviation for transmit off , it caused the tape reader to stop; receiving control-Q XON, transmit on caused the tape reader to resume.

This so-called flow control technique became adopted by several early computer operating systems as a "handshaking" signal warning a sender to stop transmission because of impending buffer overflow ; it persists to this day in many systems as a manual output control technique. On some systems, control-S retains its meaning but control-Q is replaced by a second control-S to resume output.

The 33 ASR also could be configured to employ control-R DC2 and control-T DC4 to start and stop the tape punch; on some units equipped with this function, the corresponding control character lettering on the keycap above the letter was TAPE and TAPE respectively.

The Teletype could not move its typehead backwards, so it did not have a key on its keyboard to send a BS backspace. Instead, there was a key marked RUB OUT that sent code DEL. The purpose of this key was to erase mistakes in a manually-input paper tape: the operator had to push a button on the tape punch to back it up, then type the rubout, which punched all holes and replaced the mistake with a character that was intended to be ignored.

The Unix terminal driver could only use one code to erase the previous character, this could be set to BS or DEL, but not both, resulting in recurring situations of ambiguity where users had to decide depending on what terminal they were using shells that allow line editing, such as ksh , bash , and zsh , understand both. Many more of the control codes have been assigned meanings quite different from their original ones.

The "escape" character ESC, code 27 , for example, was intended originally to allow sending of other control characters as literals instead of invoking their meaning, an "escape sequence". This is the same meaning of "escape" encountered in URL encodings, C language strings, and other systems where certain characters have a reserved meaning.

Over time this interpretation has been co-opted and has eventually been changed. In modern usage, an ESC sent to the terminal usually indicates the start of a command sequence usually in the form of a so-called " ANSI escape code " or, more properly, a " Control Sequence Introducer " from ECMA and its successors, beginning with ESC followed by a "[" left-bracket character.

In contrast, an ESC sent from the terminal is most often used as an out-of-band character used to terminate an operation or special mode, as in the TECO and vi text editors.

In graphical user interface GUI and windowing systems, ESC generally causes an application to abort its current operation or to exit terminate altogether. The inherent ambiguity of many control characters, combined with their historical usage, created problems when transferring "plain text" files between systems. The best example of this is the newline problem on various operating systems. Teletype machines required that a line of text be terminated with both "carriage return" which moves the printhead to the beginning of the line and "line feed" which advances the paper one line without moving the printhead.

The name "carriage return" comes from the fact that on a manual typewriter the carriage holding the paper moves while the typebars that strike the ribbon remain stationary. The entire carriage had to be pushed returned to the right in order to position the paper for the next line. used both characters to mark the end of a line so that the console device originally Teletype machines would work.

By the time so-called "glass TTYs" later called CRTs or "dumb terminals" came along, the convention was so well established that backward compatibility necessitated continuing to follow it. Until the introduction of PC DOS in , IBM had no influence in this because their s operating systems used EBCDIC encoding instead of ASCII, and they were oriented toward punch-card input and line printer output on which the concept of "carriage return" was meaningless.

Requiring two characters to mark the end of a line introduces unnecessary complexity and ambiguity as to how to interpret each character when encountered by itself. To simplify matters, plain text data streams, including files, on Multics used line feed LF alone as a line terminator. On the other hand, the original Macintosh OS , Apple DOS , and ProDOS used carriage return CR alone as a line terminator; however, since Apple has now replaced these obsolete operating systems with the Unix-based macOS operating system, they now use line feed LF as well.

The Radio Shack TRS also used a lone CR to terminate lines. The Telnet protocol defined an ASCII " Network Virtual Terminal " NVT , so that connections between hosts with different line-ending conventions and character sets could be supported by transmitting a standard text format over the network.

Telnet used ASCII along with CR-LF line endings, and software using other conventions would translate between the local conventions and the NVT. The PDP-6 monitor, [35] and its PDP successor TOPS, [36] used control-Z SUB as an end-of-file indication for input from a terminal. The end-of-text code ETX , also known as control-C , was inappropriate for a variety of reasons, while using Z as the control code to end a file is analogous to its position at the end of the alphabet, and serves as a very convenient mnemonic aid.

A historically common and still prevalent convention uses the ETX code convention to interrupt and halt a program via an input data stream, usually from a keyboard. In C library and Unix conventions, the null character is used to terminate text strings ; such null-terminated strings can be known in abbreviation as ASCIZ or ASCIIZ, where here Z stands for "zero". Other representations might be used by specialist equipment, for example ISO graphics or hexadecimal numbers. Codes 20 hex to 7E hex , known as the printable characters, represent letters, digits, punctuation marks , and a few miscellaneous symbols.

There are 95 printable characters in total. Code 20 hex , the "space" character, denotes the space between words, as produced by the space bar of a keyboard. Code 7F hex corresponds to the non-printable "delete" DEL control character and is therefore omitted from this chart; it is covered in the previous section's chart. Earlier versions of ASCII used the up arrow instead of the caret 5E hex and the left arrow instead of the underscore 5F hex.

TWX originally used the earlier five-bit ITA2 , which was also used by the competing Telex teleprinter system. Bob Bemer introduced features such as the escape sequence. On March 11, , US President Lyndon B. Johnson mandated that all computers purchased by the United States Federal Government support ASCII, stating: [50] [51] [52]. I have also approved recommendations of the Secretary of Commerce [ Luther H. Hodges ] regarding standards for recording the Standard Code for Information Interchange on magnetic tapes and paper tapes when they are used in computer operations.

All computers and related equipment configurations brought into the Federal Government inventory on and after July 1, , must have the capability to use the Standard Code for Information Interchange and the formats prescribed by the magnetic tape and paper tape standards when these media are used.

ASCII was the most common character encoding on the World Wide Web until December , when UTF-8 encoding surpassed it; UTF-8 is backward compatible with ASCII. As computer technology spread throughout the world, different standards bodies and corporations developed many variations of ASCII to facilitate the expression of non-English languages that used Roman-based alphabets. One could class some of these variations as " ASCII extensions ", although some misuse that term to represent all variants, including those that do not preserve ASCII's character-map in the 7-bit range.

Furthermore, the ASCII extensions have also been mislabelled as ASCII. From early in its development, [56] ASCII was intended to be just one of several national variants of an international character code standard.

Other international standards bodies have ratified character encodings such as ISO that are identical or nearly identical to ASCII, with extensions for characters outside the English alphabet and symbols used outside the United States, such as the symbol for the United Kingdom's pound sterling £ ; e.

with code page Almost every country needed an adapted version of ASCII, since ASCII suited the needs of only the US and a few other countries. For example, Canada had its own version that supported French characters.

Many other countries developed variants of ASCII to include non-English letters e. é , ñ , ß , Ł , currency symbols e. See also YUSCII Yugoslavia.

It would share most characters in common, but assign other locally useful characters to several code points reserved for "national use". However, the four years that elapsed between the publication of ASCII and ISO's first acceptance of an international recommendation during [57] caused ASCII's choices for the national use characters to seem to be de facto standards for the world, causing confusion and incompatibility once other countries did begin to make their own assignments to these code points.

It does not make any additional codes available, so the same code points encoded different characters in different countries. Escape codes were defined to indicate which national variant applied to a piece of text, but they were rarely used, so it was often impossible to know what variant to work with and, therefore, which character a code represented, and in general, text-processing systems could cope with only one variant anyway.

C trigraphs were created to solve this problem for ANSI C , although their late introduction and inconsistent implementation in compilers limited their use.

Many programmers kept their computers on US-ASCII, so plain-text in Swedish, German etc. for example, in e-mail or Usenet contained "{, }" and similar variants in the middle of words, something those programmers got used to. For example, a Swedish programmer mailing another programmer asking if they should go for lunch, could get "N{ jag har sm rg}sar" as the answer, which should be "Nä jag har smörgåsar" meaning "No I've got sandwiches".

Eventually, as 8-, , and bit and later bit computers began to replace , , and bit computers as the norm, it became common to use an 8-bit byte to store each character in memory, providing an opportunity for extended, 8-bit relatives of ASCII.

In most cases these developed as true extensions of ASCII, leaving the original character-mapping intact, but adding additional character definitions after the first i. Encodings include ISCII India , VISCII Vietnam. Although these encodings are sometimes referred to as ASCII, true ASCII is defined strictly only by the ANSI standard.

Most early home computer systems developed their own 8-bit character sets containing line-drawing and game glyphs, and often filled in some or all of the control characters from 0 to 31 with more graphics.

The PETSCII code Commodore International used for their 8-bit systems is probably unique among post codes in being based on ASCII, instead of the more common ASCII, such as found on the ZX Spectrum computer.

Atari 8-bit computers and Galaksija computers also used ASCII variants. The IBM PC defined code page , which replaced the control characters with graphic symbols such as smiley faces , and mapped additional graphic characters to the upper positions. Operating systems such as DOS supported these code pages, and manufacturers of IBM PCs supported them in hardware.

Would you say things are [rotate 1 and 2] [1] better , [2] worse , or about the same than they were a year ago? When it comes to racial discrimination, which do you think is the bigger problem for the country today—[rotate] [1] People seeing racial discrimination where it really does NOT exist [or] [2] People NOT seeing racial discrimination where it really DOES exist?

Next, Next, would you consider yourself to be politically: [read list, rotate order top to bottom]. Generally speaking, how much interest would you say you have in politics—a great deal, a fair amount, only a little, or none?

Mark Baldassare is president and CEO of the Public Policy Institute of California, where he holds the Arjay and Frances Fearing Miller Chair in Public Policy. He is a leading expert on public opinion and survey methodology, and has directed the PPIC Statewide Survey since He is an authority on elections, voter behavior, and political and fiscal reform, and the author of ten books and numerous publications. Before joining PPIC, he was a professor of urban and regional planning in the School of Social Ecology at the University of California, Irvine, where he held the Johnson Chair in Civic Governance.

He has conducted surveys for the Los Angeles Times , the San Francisco Chronicle , and the California Business Roundtable. He holds a PhD in sociology from the University of California, Berkeley. Dean Bonner is associate survey director and research fellow at PPIC, where he coauthors the PPIC Statewide Survey—a large-scale public opinion project designed to develop an in-depth profile of the social, economic, and political attitudes at work in California elections and policymaking.

He has expertise in public opinion and survey research, political attitudes and participation, and voting behavior. Before joining PPIC, he taught political science at Tulane University and was a research associate at the University of New Orleans Survey Research Center. He holds a PhD and MA in political science from the University of New Orleans.

Rachel Lawler is a survey analyst at the Public Policy Institute of California, where she works with the statewide survey team. In that role, she led and contributed to a variety of quantitative and qualitative studies for both government and corporate clients. She holds an MA in American politics and foreign policy from the University College Dublin and a BA in political science from Chapman University. Deja Thomas is a survey analyst at the Public Policy Institute of California, where she works with the statewide survey team.

Prior to joining PPIC, she was a research assistant with the social and demographic trends team at the Pew Research Center. In that role, she contributed to a variety of national quantitative and qualitative survey studies. She holds a BA in psychology from the University of Hawaiʻi at Mānoa. This survey was supported with funding from the Arjay and Frances F. Ruben Barrales Senior Vice President, External Relations Wells Fargo. Mollyann Brodie Executive Vice President and Chief Operating Officer Henry J.

Kaiser Family Foundation. Bruce E. Cain Director Bill Lane Center for the American West Stanford University. Jon Cohen Chief Research Officer and Senior Vice President, Strategic Partnerships and Business Development Momentive-AI. Joshua J. Dyck Co-Director Center for Public Opinion University of Massachusetts, Lowell.

Lisa García Bedolla Vice Provost for Graduate Studies and Dean of the Graduate Division University of California, Berkeley. Russell Hancock President and CEO Joint Venture Silicon Valley. Sherry Bebitch Jeffe Professor Sol Price School of Public Policy University of Southern California.

Carol S. Larson President Emeritus The David and Lucile Packard Foundation. Lisa Pitney Vice President of Government Relations The Walt Disney Company. Robert K. Ross, MD President and CEO The California Endowment. Most Reverend Jaime Soto Bishop of Sacramento Roman Catholic Diocese of Sacramento. Helen Iris Torres CEO Hispanas Organized for Political Equality. David C. Wilson, PhD Dean and Professor Richard and Rhoda Goldman School of Public Policy University of California, Berkeley.

Chet Hewitt, Chair President and CEO Sierra Health Foundation. Mark Baldassare President and CEO Public Policy Institute of California. Ophelia Basgal Affiliate Terner Center for Housing Innovation University of California, Berkeley. Louise Henry Bryson Chair Emerita, Board of Trustees J.

Paul Getty Trust. Sandra Celedon President and CEO Fresno Building Healthy Communities. Marisa Chun Judge, Superior Court of California, County of San Francisco. Steven A. Leon E. Panetta Chairman The Panetta Institute for Public Policy.

Cassandra Walker Pye President Lucas Public Affairs. Gaddi H. Vasquez Retired Senior Vice President, Government Affairs Edison International Southern California Edison.

The Public Policy Institute of California is dedicated to informing and improving public policy in California through independent, objective, nonpartisan research. PPIC is a public charity. It does not take or support positions on any ballot measures or on any local, state, or federal legislation, nor does it endorse, support, or oppose any political parties or candidates for public office.

Short sections of text, not to exceed three paragraphs, may be quoted without written permission provided that full attribution is given to the source. Research publications reflect the views of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the views of our funders or of the staff, officers, advisory councils, or board of directors of the Public Policy Institute of California.

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PPIC Statewide Survey. PPIC Higher Education Center. People Our Team Board of Directors Statewide Leadership Council Adjunct Fellows. Support Ways to Give Our Contributors. Table of Contents Key Findings Overall Mood Gubernatorial Election State Propositions 26, 27, and 30 Congressional Elections Democracy and the Political Divide Approval Ratings Regional Map Methodology Questions and Responses Authors and Acknowledgments PPIC Statewide Advisory Committee PPIC Board of Directors Copyright.

Key Findings Overall Mood Gubernatorial Election State Propositions 26, 27, and 30 Congressional Elections Democracy and the Political Divide Approval Ratings Regional Map Methodology Questions and Responses Authors and Acknowledgments PPIC Statewide Advisory Committee PPIC Board of Directors Copyright. Key Findings California voters have now received their mail ballots, and the November 8 general election has entered its final stage. These are among the key findings of a statewide survey on state and national issues conducted from October 14 to 23 by the Public Policy Institute of California: Many Californians have negative perceptions of their personal finances and the US economy.

Forty-seven percent say that things in California are going in the right direction, while 33 percent think things in the US are going in the right direction; partisans differ in their overall outlook. Partisans are deeply divided in their choices. Fewer than half of likely voters say the vote outcome of Propositions 26, 27, or 30 is very important to them. Sixty-one percent say the issue of abortion rights is very important in their vote for Congress this year; Democrats are far more likely than Republicans or independents to hold this view.

Republicans are far less likely than Democrats and independents to hold this positive view.

Please check back soon for future events, and sign up to receive invitations to our events and briefings. December 1, Speaker Series on California's Future — Virtual Event.

November 30, Virtual Event. November 18, Annual Water Conference — In-Person and Online. We believe in the power of good information to build a brighter future for California. Help support our mission. Mark Baldassare , Dean Bonner , Rachel Lawler , and Deja Thomas. Supported with funding from the Arjay and Frances F. Miller Foundation and the James Irvine Foundation. California voters have now received their mail ballots, and the November 8 general election has entered its final stage.

Amid rising prices and economic uncertainty—as well as deep partisan divisions over social and political issues—Californians are processing a great deal of information to help them choose state constitutional officers and state legislators and to make policy decisions about state propositions.

The midterm election also features a closely divided Congress, with the likelihood that a few races in California may determine which party controls the US House. These are among the key findings of a statewide survey on state and national issues conducted from October 14 to 23 by the Public Policy Institute of California:. Today, there is a wide partisan divide: seven in ten Democrats are optimistic about the direction of the state, while 91 percent of Republicans and 59 percent of independents are pessimistic.

Californians are much more pessimistic about the direction of the country than they are about the direction of the state. Majorities across all demographic groups and partisan groups, as well as across regions, are pessimistic about the direction of the United States. A wide partisan divide exists: most Democrats and independents say their financial situation is about the same as a year ago, while solid majorities of Republicans say they are worse off.

Regionally, about half in the San Francisco Bay Area and Los Angeles say they are about the same, while half in the Central Valley say they are worse off; residents elsewhere are divided between being worse off and the same. The shares saying they are worse off decline as educational attainment increases.

Strong majorities across partisan groups feel negatively, but Republicans and independents are much more likely than Democrats to say the economy is in poor shape.

Today, majorities across partisan, demographic, and regional groups say they are following news about the gubernatorial election either very or fairly closely. In the upcoming November 8 election, there will be seven state propositions for voters. Due to time constraints, our survey only asked about three ballot measures: Propositions 26, 27, and For each, we read the proposition number, ballot, and ballot label.

Two of the state ballot measures were also included in the September survey Propositions 27 and 30 , while Proposition 26 was not. This measure would allow in-person sports betting at racetracks and tribal casinos, requiring that racetracks and casinos offering sports betting make certain payments to the state to support state regulatory costs.

It also allows roulette and dice games at tribal casinos and adds a new way to enforce certain state gambling laws.

Fewer than half of likely voters say the outcome of each of these state propositions is very important to them. Today, 21 percent of likely voters say the outcome of Prop 26 is very important, 31 percent say the outcome of Prop 27 is very important, and 42 percent say the outcome of Prop 30 is very important. Today, when it comes to the importance of the outcome of Prop 26, one in four or fewer across partisan groups say it is very important to them.

About one in three across partisan groups say the outcome of Prop 27 is very important to them. Fewer than half across partisan groups say the outcome of Prop 30 is very important to them. When asked how they would vote if the election for the US House of Representatives were held today, 56 percent of likely voters say they would vote for or lean toward the Democratic candidate, while 39 percent would vote for or lean toward the Republican candidate.

Democratic candidates are preferred by a point margin in Democratic-held districts, while Republican candidates are preferred by a point margin in Republican-held districts. Abortion is another prominent issue in this election. When asked about the importance of abortion rights, 61 percent of likely voters say the issue is very important in determining their vote for Congress and another 20 percent say it is somewhat important; just 17 percent say it is not too or not at all important.

With the controlling party in Congress hanging in the balance, 51 percent of likely voters say they are extremely or very enthusiastic about voting for Congress this year; another 29 percent are somewhat enthusiastic while 19 percent are either not too or not at all enthusiastic.

Today, Democrats and Republicans have about equal levels of enthusiasm, while independents are much less likely to be extremely or very enthusiastic. As Californians prepare to vote in the upcoming midterm election, fewer than half of adults and likely voters are satisfied with the way democracy is working in the United States—and few are very satisfied.

Satisfaction was higher in our February survey when 53 percent of adults and 48 percent of likely voters were satisfied with democracy in America.

Today, half of Democrats and about four in ten independents are satisfied, compared to about one in five Republicans. Notably, four in ten Republicans are not at all satisfied. In addition to the lack of satisfaction with the way democracy is working, Californians are divided about whether Americans of different political positions can still come together and work out their differences.

Forty-nine percent are optimistic, while 46 percent are pessimistic. Today, in a rare moment of bipartisan agreement, about four in ten Democrats, Republicans, and independents are optimistic that Americans of different political views will be able to come together. Notably, in , half or more across parties, regions, and demographic groups were optimistic.

Today, about eight in ten Democrats—compared to about half of independents and about one in ten Republicans—approve of Governor Newsom.

Across demographic groups, about half or more approve of how Governor Newsom is handling his job. Approval of Congress among adults has been below 40 percent for all of after seeing a brief run above 40 percent for all of Democrats are far more likely than Republicans to approve of Congress.

Fewer than half across regions and demographic groups approve of Congress. Approval in March was at 44 percent for adults and 39 percent for likely voters. Across demographic groups, about half or more approve among women, younger adults, African Americans, Asian Americans, and Latinos. Views are similar across education and income groups, with just fewer than half approving.

Approval in March was at 41 percent for adults and 36 percent for likely voters. Across regions, approval reaches a majority only in the San Francisco Bay Area. Across demographic groups, approval reaches a majority only among African Americans. This map highlights the five geographic regions for which we present results; these regions account for approximately 90 percent of the state population.

Residents of other geographic areas in gray are included in the results reported for all adults, registered voters, and likely voters, but sample sizes for these less-populous areas are not large enough to report separately. The PPIC Statewide Survey is directed by Mark Baldassare, president and CEO and survey director at the Public Policy Institute of California. Coauthors of this report include survey analyst Deja Thomas, who was the project manager for this survey; associate survey director and research fellow Dean Bonner; and survey analyst Rachel Lawler.

The Californians and Their Government survey is supported with funding from the Arjay and Frances F. Findings in this report are based on a survey of 1, California adult residents, including 1, interviewed on cell phones and interviewed on landline telephones. The sample included respondents reached by calling back respondents who had previously completed an interview in PPIC Statewide Surveys in the last six months.

Interviews took an average of 19 minutes to complete. Interviewing took place on weekend days and weekday nights from October 14—23, Cell phone interviews were conducted using a computer-generated random sample of cell phone numbers. Additionally, we utilized a registration-based sample RBS of cell phone numbers for adults who are registered to vote in California. All cell phone numbers with California area codes were eligible for selection.

After a cell phone user was reached, the interviewer verified that this person was age 18 or older, a resident of California, and in a safe place to continue the survey e. Cell phone respondents were offered a small reimbursement to help defray the cost of the call. Cell phone interviews were conducted with adults who have cell phone service only and with those who have both cell phone and landline service in the household.

Landline interviews were conducted using a computer-generated random sample of telephone numbers that ensured that both listed and unlisted numbers were called. Additionally, we utilized a registration-based sample RBS of landline phone numbers for adults who are registered to vote in California.

All landline telephone exchanges in California were eligible for selection. For both cell phones and landlines, telephone numbers were called as many as eight times. When no contact with an individual was made, calls to a number were limited to six. Also, to increase our ability to interview Asian American adults, we made up to three additional calls to phone numbers estimated by Survey Sampling International as likely to be associated with Asian American individuals.

Accent on Languages, Inc. The survey sample was closely comparable to the ACS figures. To estimate landline and cell phone service in California, Abt Associates used state-level estimates released by the National Center for Health Statistics—which used data from the National Health Interview Survey NHIS and the ACS. The estimates for California were then compared against landline and cell phone service reported in this survey.

We also used voter registration data from the California Secretary of State to compare the party registration of registered voters in our sample to party registration statewide.

The sampling error, taking design effects from weighting into consideration, is ±3. This means that 95 times out of , the results will be within 3. The sampling error for unweighted subgroups is larger: for the 1, registered voters, the sampling error is ±4. For the sampling errors of additional subgroups, please see the table at the end of this section.

Sampling error is only one type of error to which surveys are subject. Results may also be affected by factors such as question wording, question order, and survey timing. We present results for five geographic regions, accounting for approximately 90 percent of the state population.

Residents of other geographic areas are included in the results reported for all adults, registered voters, and likely voters, but sample sizes for these less-populous areas are not large enough to report separately.

We also present results for congressional districts currently held by Democrats or Republicans, based on residential zip code and party of the local US House member. We compare the opinions of those who report they are registered Democrats, registered Republicans, and no party preference or decline-to-state or independent voters; the results for those who say they are registered to vote in other parties are not large enough for separate analysis.

We also analyze the responses of likely voters—so designated per their responses to survey questions about voter registration, previous election participation, intentions to vote this year, attention to election news, and current interest in politics. The percentages presented in the report tables and in the questionnaire may not add to due to rounding.

Additional details about our methodology can be found at www. pdf and are available upon request through surveys ppic. October 14—23, 1, California adult residents; 1, California likely voters English, Spanish. Margin of error ±3.

Aggressive validation of Unibus and Qbus ADDRESS and VECTOR values prior to execution starting due to a BOOT command. Internet Assigned Numbers Authority IANA. Most Reverend Jaime Soto Bishop of Sacramento Roman Catholic Diocese of Sacramento. Without Ethernet support. Even more importantly, forward compatibility is ensured as software that recognizes only 7-bit ASCII characters as special and does not alter bytes with the highest bit set as is often done to support 8-bit ASCII extensions such as ISO will preserve UTF-8 data unchanged. December 1, Speaker Series on California's Future — Virtual Event. Cell phone interviews were conducted using a computer-generated random sample of cell phone numbers.

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